In Essential Reading in Comparative Politics, an article from The Economist discusses the cause of war in terms of ethnic diversity. “In multi-ethnic societies where one group forms an absolute majority, the risk of war is 50% higher than in societies where this is not the case” (The Economist, Essential Readings in Comparative Politics 80). The Kukuyu ethnic group, which makes up approximately 20% of the population of Kenya, is the dominant group, although the Luo clan closely rivals it. However, according to the East Africa Living Encyclopedia from the University of Pennsylvania, the Kikuyu have by far the most representation in public life, government and business, while the Luo have traditionally been traders and artisans (http://www.africa.upenn.edu/NEH/kethnic.htm). The founder of Kenya, a Kikuyu, Jomo Kenyatta, led the independence movement and became the first president. Kikuyus have dominated Kenyan politics ever since. The current president, Mwai Kibaki, is also a Kikuyu, while his challenger, Raila Odinga, is a Luo. The violence that broke out as a result of the disputed election was based not on a preexisting ethnic hatred, but on the rivalry that has existed since 1963, when one ethnic group took control of the government when Kenya achieved independence. The elections in December 2007 represented for the Luos “a chance to share in the spoils after watching several generations of leaders sidelined, marginalized or even slain,” according to an LA Times article by Edmund Sanders written shortly before the elections (http://www.ethiomedia.com/access/kenyan_democratic_muscle.html). When the Luos did not receive the desired change as a result possible corruption, violence ensued. This scenario is a repeat of many similar conflicts in other African countries, and is explained by Paul Collier in an article on ethnic diversity. “Ethnic dominance might be a sufficiently compelling grievance factor that it affects the risk of conflict…the structural permanence of this condition, and the inability of democracy to resolve it, may make organized violence more likely” (Essential Readings in Comparative Politics 98). For this reason, the newest development in the political situation to rewrite the constitution and change the government structure so that power is more shared is a step in the right direction. For Kenya to function, the Kikuyu group cannot retain the political dominance it has held for so long.

For those of you who are following the travesty that is now Kenyan politics, peace talks should be coming tomorow according to
NEGOTIATORS NEAR DEAL TO STOP KENYAN VIOLENCE, a CNN article published on 2/21/08 by an unknown author. The violence has been going on for a couple months now has claimed the lives of about 1,000 people (CNN). The two leading parties, the Party of National Unity and the Orange Democratic Movement have been meeting with Kofi Annan the former UN Secratary General to try and fix the issue (CNN). Ultimately they are looking to nominate a prime minister agreeable to both sides and to change the role of the PM thus changing the Kenyan Constitution (CNN). Although this provides a solution to the problem, it is only temporary, this same issue over “rigged elections” could easily rise again. It is necessary to not simply change the cover of the issue but the CONTENT of the issue.

O’Neil mentions in Essentials of Comparative Politics democracy doesn’t work in some cultures due to some long term cultural traditions, one that he mentioned was Confucianism (O’Neil 72).  Confucianism implies a strict patriarchal obedience and in turn obedience to the emperor who was often regarded as somewhat of a father figure.  The latent Confusionist beliefs in Chinese Society help to explain why the rise of despotism has been prevalent.  From the Emperors to Mao to the most recent leader, Hu Jintao.  In an article written on January 11, 2005 China’s Leader Shows his Stripes by Tim Luard and published in the BBC Luard writes, “But one leading liberal intellectual who agreed to talk to the BBC said Mr Hu had already proved himself “more fundamentalistic” than either of his two predecessors” (Luard).  This fundamental approach is clear in that he rose to the most powerful man in China in about two years controlling most aspects of society (Luard).